How is this related to Lockheed Martin?
It is notable that some
members of the Carlyle Group's board of directors and the Council on Foreign
Relations (CFR) have positions of influence with Lockheed Martin.
For example, Lockheed
Martin’s board of directors currently includes Daniel F. Akerson, former Vice
Chairman and Managing Director of The Carlyle Group. Lockheed Martin’s CEO James
Taiclet now sits on the board of CFR[1]
alongside CFR’s chairman David Rubenstein, a co-founder and co-chairman of the
Carlyle Group.
Another example is Richard
Armitage, a former Deputy Secretary of State and U.S. Ambassador to the United
Nations. Armitage is a member of the CFR, and he also serves on the board of
directors of the Center for Strategic and International Studies (‘CSIS’, see
below), a think tank that has close ties to Lockheed Martin. Armitage is likely
to have some influence over the company's lobbying efforts.
It is important to note that
not all members of the Carlyle Group's board of directors or the CFR have
positions of influence with Lockheed Martin. However, the members who do have
these positions can potentially use their influence to benefit the company.
The relationship between the
Carlyle Group, CFR, and Lockheed Martin is a complex one. It is important to be
aware of this relationship when evaluating the companies' activities and their
potential impact on public policy.
The Center for Strategic and
International Studies (CSIS) and Lockheed Martin have close ties. These ties
include:
·
Shared personnel: Many CSIS
scholars and fellows have worked for Lockheed Martin or have had close ties to
the company. For example, former CSIS President and CEO John J. Hamre was the
Deputy Secretary of Defense from 1993 to 1997, and he is currently a board
member of Lockheed Martin.
·
Financial support: Lockheed
Martin is a major donor to CSIS. In 2022, the company donated $1 million to the
organization.
·
Research collaboration: CSIS
and Lockheed Martin have collaborated on research projects on a variety of
topics, including national security, defence policy, and international
relations.
·
Lobbying: CSIS has lobbied
on behalf of Lockheed Martin's interests on Capitol Hill. For example, in 2021,
CSIS published a report arguing that the U.S. should increase its defence
spending.
The close ties between CSIS
and Lockheed Martin have been the subject of some controversy. Critics have
argued that the ties could create a conflict of interest, as CSIS could be
biased in favour of Lockheed Martin's interests. However, CSIS has defended its
ties to Lockheed Martin, arguing that the company's financial support is
essential to the organization's work.
It is important to note that
not all CSIS scholars and fellows have close ties to Lockheed Martin. However,
the ties that do exist could potentially influence the organization's research
and policy recommendations.
Australia also has close
ties to CSIS. Melbourne packaging billionaire Anthony Pratt, whose US companies
employ about 10,000 Americans, is a key financial backer. Pratt Industries
endowed the inaugural Australia chair, a move that came to fruition at the end
of 2021, shortly after then-prime minister Scott Morrison announced AUKUS. Pratt
has a ubiquitous presence across US and Australia relations. He had the
political heft to bring together former PM Scott Morrison and then-US president
Donald Trump at the opening of a Pratt packaging facility in Ohio in 2019.
Pratt has a prominent role in the American Australian Association, which was
founded by the Murdochs in New York and continues to be dominated by Murdoch
influence. He is also a fan of Australia’s defence minister, Richard Marles;
Marles refers to Pratt as “my good friend”. Pratt introduced Marles at a CSIS
event in July last year thus: “Deputy Prime Minister Marles is a true friend of
the United States and I believe he will be the greatest defence minister
Australia has ever had.”[2]
The “Big Three” through
their cross-ownership and combined voting power effectively in a position to control
Lockheed Martin.[3] Some commentators have coined the phrase
“Power of Twelve” approximating a size of a company Board of Directors, potentially
putting the control of the entire economy in the hands of twelve individuals.[4] In June
2022 the Financial Times even suggested who those individuals may be.[5] Some
familiar names include:
1. Laurence (“Larry”) Fink who is the current chairman
and CEO of BlackRock, BlackRock is the largest money-management firm in the
world with more than US$10 trillion in assets under management. He sits on the
boards of the Council on Foreign Relations (CFR) and World Economic Forum. BlackRock is the largest investor in weapon
manufacturers through its U.S. Aerospace and Defense ETF. As noted above,
BlackRock is a major beneficial owner of Lockheed Martin.
2. Mortimer Joseph ("Tim") Buckley who is
CEO of The Vanguard Group, currently the second largest shareholder of Lockheed
Martin.
3. Ronald (“Ron”) O’Hanley who is chairman and chief
executive officer of State Street: currently the biggest shareholder of
Lockheed Martin.
One author (Prophets of
War: Lockheed Martin and the Making of the Military-Industrial Complex - William D. Hartung 2011) has posited that
Lockheed Martin has “shaped US foreign policy for decades.”[6] Lockheed
Martin is a major defence contractor, and it provides the U.S. government with
a wide range of weapons and military systems. The company has a significant
lobbying presence in Washington, D.C., and it spends millions of dollars each
year to influence government policy. Lockheed Martin's directors and
shareholders are also well-connected to the government. Many of them are former
government officials, and they have close ties to members of Congress and the
Pentagon. This gives them access to decision-makers and allows them to advocate
for the company's interests.
According to the magazine
Politico, Lockheed Martin has "a political network that is already the
envy of its competitors", and its contracts enjoy wide bipartisan support
in the U.S. Congress thanks to it having "perfected the strategy of spreading
jobs on weapons programs in key states and congressional districts".[7] The
company's 2010 lobbying expenditure by the third quarter was $9.9 million (2009
total: $13.7 million).[8]
In addition, Lockheed Martin
is a major employer in the United States. The company has over 100,000
employees, and it generates billions of dollars in revenue each year. This
gives the company a significant economic stake in the defence industry, and it
can use this leverage to influence government policy. For example, in 2017,
Lockheed Martin lobbied against a proposal to reduce the number of F-35 fighter
jets that the U.S. government would purchase. The company argued that the F-35
is essential to the U.S. military's ability to deter threats from Russia and
China. The lobbying effort was successful, and the U.S. government ultimately
decided to purchase more F-35s.
An interesting video called "How Lockheed Got Too Big to Fail" is here.
[1] https://responsiblestatecraft.org/2023/05/18/arms-industry-titan-nominated-for-prominent-think-tanks-board/
[7] Munsil, Leigh; Wright, Austin (August 12, 2015).
"Is Lockheed Martin too big to fail? Lockheed has made itself dominant on
Capitol Hill – with defense jobs in virtually every state". Politico.
[8] "Lockheed Martin Lobbying Expenditure".
OpenSecrets and "Lobbying Disclosure Act Database". United States
Senate
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