How Lockheed Martin may influence international policy
The current
CEO of Lockheed Martin is James D. Taiclet[1]. He has
been the CEO since June 2020 and the chairman since March 2021. He is a former
chairman, president, and CEO of American Tower Corporation, a global real
estate investment trust (REIT) and a leading independent owner, operator, and
developer of multitenant communications real estate.
Before
joining Lockheed Martin, Taiclet served as president of AlliedSignal
(subsequently Honeywell Aerospace Services), a company that conducts worldwide
aircraft engine and component overhaul and repair, parts sales and
distribution, space operations, and technical services. Taiclet is a graduate
of the United States Air Force Academy and holds an MBA from the Wharton School
of the University of Pennsylvania.
Most importantly, perhaps,
is that Taiclet is now a member of the board of directors of the U.S. Council
on Foreign Relations (CFR). In a 2022
earnings call, Taiclet assured investors that the “evolving threat level” from
North Korea, Iran, Russia, and China would lead the U.S. to “not sit by and
just watch it happen” and that policymakers would respond by increasing the defence
budget, over half of which goes to defence contractors like Lockheed. A year
earlier, Taiclet suggested that regulators should allow greater consolidation
of the industry to more closely mirror the largely-state owned weapons industry
in China.[2]
As noted
above, the CEO of Lockheed Martin is a member of the board of directors of the
U.S. Council on Foreign Relations (CFR)[3]. The CFR
is a non-profit organization that seeks to foster informed and constructive
debate on foreign policy issues. It does this through its publications,
conferences, and other events. The CFR does not take positions on policy
issues, but its members and fellows are often consulted by government officials
and policymakers.
There is no consensus on
whether the CFR influences political decision-making in the United States. Some
people believe that the CFR has a significant influence, while others believe
that its influence is overstated. CFR runs the David Rockefeller Studies
Program, which influences foreign policy by making recommendations to the
presidential administration and diplomatic community, testifying before
Congress, interacting with the media, and publishing research on foreign policy
issues[4].
Those who believe that the
CFR has a significant influence argue that its members and fellows are often in
positions of power and influence. They also argue that the CFR's publications
and conferences provide a forum for discussing foreign policy issues and that
these discussions can shape the thinking of policymakers.
Those who believe that the
CFR's influence is overstated argue that the organization is just one of many
voices in the foreign policy debate. They also argue that the CFR's
publications and conferences are not always influential and that policymakers
often make decisions based on other factors, such as public opinion or the
advice of their own staff.
Ultimately, the extent to
which the CFR influences political decision-making in the United States is
difficult to measure. However, there is no doubt that the organization plays an
important role in shaping the foreign policy debate.[5]
Here are some additional
points to consider:
- The
CFR has a large and influential membership, including former and current
government officials, business leaders, and academics.
- The
CFR's publications and conferences are widely read and attended by
policymakers and other opinion leaders.
- The
CFR has a strong track record of influencing foreign policy debates and
decisions.
Importantly, some members of
the CFR have positions on other boards of directors or hold senior positions in
other companies. For example, the current Chairman of the CFR, David M.
Rubenstein, is also the Co-founder and Co-Chairman of The Carlyle Group, a
global private equity firm. The current Vice Chairman of the CFR, Blair W.
Effron, is also the Co-founder of Centerview Partners, a global investment
banking firm. And the current President of the CFR, Michael Froman, is also a
former U.S. Trade Representative.
So, what is the Carlyle
Group? The Carlyle Group is a multinational private equity, alternative asset
management and financial services corporation based in the United States with
$376 billion of assets under management.[6] It was
founded in 1987 by William E. Conway Jr., Stephen L. Norris, David M.
Rubenstein, and Daniel A. D'Aniello.
The firm invests in a
variety of asset classes, including private equity, real estate, credit, and
infrastructure. Carlyle developed a
reputation for acquiring businesses related to the defence industry. From its
founding in 1987, the Carlyle Group has pioneered investing in the defence and
national security markets, and through its takeover of companies with billions
of dollars in defence contracts became one of the U.S. military’s top vendors,
ranking among better known defence firms like Lockheed Martin, Boeing Co.,
Raytheon Co., Northrop Grumman, and General Dynamics.[7]
The Carlyle Group has a
global reach, with offices in 35 countries. The firm's portfolio companies
include a wide range of businesses, including aerospace and defence, consumer
products, energy, healthcare, industrials, technology, and telecommunications.
The Carlyle Group is a
controversial company[8], but it
is also one of the most successful private equity firms in the world. The firm
has played a significant role in the global economy, and it is likely to
continue to do so in the years to come. The Carlyle Group is a complex and
multifaceted company. It is a major player in the global economy, and it has a
significant impact on the world.
The Carlyle Group is a
private equity firm, which means that it invests in companies by buying their
shares. However, the firm does not disclose its investments in detail, so it is
possible that the firm owns shares in Lockheed Martin through minority shareholdings
in other companies that invest in the company.
Some members of The Carlyle
Group's board of directors have (or had) close ties to the U.S. government:
- David M. Rubenstein:
Rubenstein is the Co-founder and Co-Chairman of The Carlyle Group. He is
also a former White House Fellow and a major donor to Democratic Party
candidates.
- James A. Johnson:
Johnson is the former Chairman and CEO of the Federal National Mortgage
Association (Fannie Mae). He is also a former U.S. Senator from
Connecticut.
- Frank
Carlucci: Carlucci was a former Secretary of Defense and Director of the
Central Intelligence Agency. He is also a former U.S. Ambassador to Italy. In The World According to Bush, William
Karel interviewed Frank Carlucci to discuss the presence of Shafiq bin
Laden, Osama bin Laden's estranged brother, at Carlyle's annual investor
conference while the September 11 attacks were occurring.[9]
Carlucci was notable during the Regan administration for advocating an
arms build-up to hasten the end of the Cold War, a policy that Reagan
followed.[10]
- John
J. Hamre: Hamre is the former Deputy Secretary of Defense and President
and CEO of the Center for Strategic and International Studies (CSIS). He
is also a former U.S. Representative from Connecticut.
- Richard
Armitage: Armitage is a former Deputy Secretary of State and U.S.
Ambassador to the United Nations. He is also a former U.S. Representative
from Tennessee.
These are just a few
examples of The Carlyle Group's board members with close ties to the U.S.
government. The firm has several other board members who have held high-level
positions in government, including the military, the intelligence community,
and the financial sector. Historically,
Carlyle has garnered massive levels of influence in the United States and other
governmental circles by employing retired officials and using their
connections, knowledge, and lobbying ability to plan their investments, especially
in the military-industrial complex. Carlyle’s early specialty was military
contracting, taking over companies with billions of dollars in military
contracts, such as United Defense, Inc. The roster of former government
officials (most of those from the United States are also CFR members) who once
worked for Carlyle and exemplify this type of access includes:
·
George H. W. Bush,
·
secretary of state James
Baker III,
·
Office of Management and
Budget director Richard Darman,
·
chairman of the Securities
and Exchange Commission Arthur Levitt,
·
Federal Communications
Commission chairman William E. Kennard,
·
Bill Clinton White House
chief of staff Mack McLarty,
·
UK prime minister John
Major,
·
president of Bundesbank
Germany Karl Otto Pohl,
·
Philippines president Fidel
Ramos,
·
Thai premier Anan
Panyarachun, and
·
prime minister of South
Korea Park Tae-joon.
Currently, Federal Reserve
chair Jerome Powell and Virginia governor Glenn Youngkin, both present CFR
members, are Carlyle veterans. In the case of Youngkin, his vast wealth from
his years with Carlyle (estimated at $470 million by Forbes) allowed him to
spend tens of millions of his own money to hire influential consultants and
produce a slick political campaign to define himself favourably and win the
election in late 2021. In summary, the Carlyle Group's close ties to the U.S.
government have been the subject of some controversy.[11]
Carlyle has been profiled in
Michael Moore's Fahrenheit 9/11 and William Karel's The World According to
Bush. In Fahrenheit 9/11, Moore makes nine allegations concerning the Carlyle
Group Moore focused on Carlyle's connections with George H. W. Bush and his
Secretary of State James Baker, both of whom had at times served as advisers to
the firm. The movie quotes author Dan Briody, who claimed that the Carlyle
Group "gained" from the September 11 attacks because it owned
military contractor United Defense.
[2] https://responsiblestatecraft.org/2023/05/18/arms-industry-titan-nominated-for-prominent-think-tanks-board/
[4] https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Council_on_Foreign_Relations#:~:text=It%20also%20runs%20the%20David,research%20on%20foreign%20policy%20issues.
[5] For detailed information and analysis about the
history, nature, activities, and influence of the Council on Foreign Relations,
see Laurence H. Shoup, Wall Street’s Think Tank: The Council on Foreign
Relations and the Empire of Neoliberal Geopolitics 1976–2019 (New York: Monthly
Review Press, 2019); Laurence H. Shoup and William Minter, Imperial Brain
Trust: The Council on Foreign Relations and United States Foreign Policy (New
York: Monthly Review Press, 1977). https://monthlyreview.org/product/wall-streets-think-tank/
[8] https://www.theguardian.com/business/2012/apr/22/carlyle-group-flotation#:~:text=The%20answer%2C%20in%20the%20case,in%20Michael%20Moore's%20Fahrenheit%209%2F
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