Weaponised Atrocity: How Israeli Defence Companies Market Death—and Why Australia Keeps Buying

An Israeli arms manufacturer has posted a promotional video that appears to show the targeted killing of an unarmed Palestinian man in Gaza, offering it not as evidence of war crimes, but as marketing material for an advanced drone system.

The video, uploaded by state-owned company Rafael Advanced Defense Systems to its official account on X (formerly Twitter), shows the moment a small loitering munition, dubbed the Spike Firefly, hovers above its victim and detonates with precision. The man, walking alone through the ruins of a bombed-out neighbourhood, is unaware he is being tracked in real time. Seconds later, he is dead.

The footage appears to be real. It is presented without commentary or condemnation, only with the intention of showcasing Rafael’s hardware in operational conditions. Human life is extinguished on camera not in the pursuit of justice, but as part of a pitch to prospective buyers.

In a separate and equally harrowing incident, a Palestinian child, reportedly named Hala, was killed by a quadcopter drone, shot in the head in a targeted strike. Her death did not merit a military communiqué. But these extrajudicial executions of a man and of a child are forming part of a grotesque pattern: battlefield as showroom: death as demonstration.

From battlefield to showroom: The Firefly drone and its global buyers

First introduced in 2018, the Spike Firefly is a compact, soldier-launched loitering munition weighing just three kilograms. Developed for dense urban warfare, it can silently surveil for up to 15 minutes before delivering its lethal payload. Operators use a tablet to guide the drone and choose when, and whom, it should kill.

Since October 2023, such drones have been used extensively in Gaza, with human rights organisations documenting their deployment in civilian neighbourhoods and refugee camps. The Geneva-based Euro-Med Human Rights Monitor has compiled numerous cases of what it describes as drone-assisted assassinations of non-combatants, in apparent violation of international humanitarian law.

Australia's entanglement: funding and favour to Rafael

Despite credible allegations that Rafael’s weapons are being used in the commission of war crimes, the Australian government has expanded its financial and technological partnership with the company.

Data from Austender confirms that since 2007, Rafael and its joint ventures have secured over $168 million in Australian defence contracts. The lion’s share - $126 million - has been channelled through Varley Rafael, a joint venture with Australian engineering firm Varley Group, created in 2018 with the backing of then Defence Minister Christopher Pyne. An additional $42 million went directly to Rafael Advanced Defense Systems.

The most prominent deal is a 15-year missile acquisition contract, awarded in 2023 and amended in October 2024 to more than double its original value - from $50 million to $108 million. This expansion took place as international scrutiny of Israel’s war in Gaza intensified, drawing sharp criticism from human rights observers and UN officials alike.

Beyond procurement, Rafael is embedded in Australia’s long-term weapons development strategy. The company is a key participant in the Guided Weapons and Explosive Ordnance (GWEO) enterprise—an AUKUS-aligned initiative designed to localise missile manufacturing and integrate Australian industry into trilateral deep-strike weapons systems. Through this program, Rafael is co-developing long-range strike capabilities with US defence contractor General Atomics.

The Australian Department of Defence has not respond to media questions regarding whether it has reviewed its relationship with Rafael in light of ongoing war crimes allegations.

Australia’s dealings with Rafael have deepened significantly since 2018, moving from limited procurement to long-term strategic partnerships. Despite concerns over Rafael’s alleged complicity in violations of international law, especially in Gaza, Australia continues to fund, co-develop, and politically support Rafael’s integration into its sovereign weapons manufacturing programs.

Chronological history of Australia’s dealings with Rafael Advanced Defense Systems

2007–2010: Early Procurement Links

Initial Defence Contracts: Australia's Department of Defence begins awarding small contracts related to Rafael systems, primarily for missile and sensor technologies. These are likely tied to Rafael's Spike missile systems and associated targeting technologies, although specific details are not always publicly disclosed.

2012–2017: Growing Familiarity and Interoperability

Spike Missile Trials: Rafael’s Spike anti-tank guided missile gains interest within Australia as the ADF explores modernising its infantry and anti-armour capabilities. Increasing Israeli Military-Industrial Presence: Rafael and other Israeli companies expand their visibility at Australian defence exhibitions such as Land Forces Expo and Avalon Air Show. Defence White Papers and Strategic Reviews begin identifying sovereign guided weapons capability as a priority—laying the groundwork for future partnerships with missile specialists like Rafael.

2018: Formation of Varley Rafael Australia (VRA)

Joint Venture Established: Rafael partners with Newcastle-based Varley Group to create Varley Rafael Australia (VRA). The joint venture is officially supported by then Defence Industry Minister Christopher Pyne, as part of Australia's push for sovereign guided weapons manufacturing. Objective: VRA is established to produce Spike LR2 missiles in Australia and offer Rafael’s portfolio locally, including air defence, electronic warfare, and loitering munitions.

2019–2022: Integration into Australia’s Sovereign Capability Drive

Local Industry Integration: VRA continues pitching Rafael’s missile systems to the Australian Army, especially the Spike LR2 as part of the LAND 400 Phase 2 program, which seeks anti-tank guided weapons for Boxer Combat Reconnaissance Vehicles. Marketing of Drone Systems: Rafael begins more aggressively marketing loitering munitions like the Spike Firefly in Australia, aligned with ADF’s interest in man-portable, urban-friendly precision strike options.

2023: Major Contract Signed

$50 Million Missile Deal: Australia’s Department of Defence awards Rafael a 15-year missile acquisition contract (via VRA) for Spike LR2 missiles and associated training/support systems. GWEO Enterprise Involvement: Rafael is selected as a key partner in Australia’s Guided Weapons and Explosive Ordnance (GWEO) program, part of a trilateral (AUKUS-aligned) effort to build sovereign missile manufacturing capacity. Partnership with General Atomics: Rafael teams up with US-based General Atomics to develop long-range strike missiles, to be co-produced and delivered under GWEO.

October 2024: Contract Value Doubles

Contract Expansion: The 2023 contract is amended and expanded to $108 million, amid rising scrutiny of Rafael’s operations in Gaza. This occurs as multiple reports emerge accusing Rafael’s drone and missile systems of being used in violations of international humanitarian law, including in attacks on civilians in Gaza.

2024–2025: Mounting Criticism and Calls for Suspension

UN Report (March 2024): UN Special Rapporteur Francesca Albanese names Rafael in connection with Israel’s campaign in Gaza, warning of an “economy of genocide”. Senate Scrutiny: Senator David Shoebridge and other Greens representatives call on the Australian government to suspend contracts with Israeli arms companies implicated in war crimes. Government Silence: As of mid-2025, the Department of Defence has not publicly reviewed or paused any contracts with Rafael, despite growing civil society and international concern.

 

The price of silence

Greens Senator David Shoebridge has condemned both the drone footage and the government’s continued procurement of Israeli arms.

“That weapons companies are using videos of real killings - snuff videos - as part of their marketing strategy is grotesque,” he told Michael West Media. “But it’s worse that our government sees no problem in buying from them.”

Shoebridge has previously raised concerns about the use of Gaza footage to promote Israeli military technology. At a major defence industry conference in Perth in 2024, he witnessed Rafael showcasing drone strike videos from Gaza, Yemen, and southern Lebanon. These were not lessons in humanitarian restraint, but marketing reels.

From occupation to economy of extermination

UN Special Rapporteur Francesca Albanese’s March 2024 report, “Anatomy of a Genocide”, accused Israel of deliberately targeting civilians in Gaza. Presented to the UN Human Rights Council, the report found Israel’s use of high-tech drones, precision bombs, and surveillance systems to constitute not just indiscriminate warfare, but systematic annihilation. She highlighted the role of weapons manufacturers in enabling and profiting from these attacks, calling for international accountability not only for states but also for the companies complicit in atrocities. This convergence of state violence and corporate profit, she warns, reflects “an economy of occupation turned genocidal”.

The scale and intent of these actions, Albanese argued, “bear the hallmarks of genocide.” Her subsequent report, “From Economy of Occupation to Economy of Genocide”, made clear the role of defence contractors in fuelling and profiting from this violence. She warned of a broader militarised economic system in which civilian deaths are not only accepted but commodified: live-fire "proof of concept" trials dressed as national security.

Rafael’s drones are just one part of this machinery. But when those systems are lauded for their performance in Gaza and then sold abroad, including to countries like Australia, the line between strategic partnership and moral complicity begins to vanish.

War crimes on the public ledger

Rafael is not a rogue arms dealer operating in the shadows. It is a state-owned company, deeply embedded in Israel’s national defence strategy, and proud of it. Its battlefield performance is tracked not only by generals but by shareholders. Its missiles and drones are showcased at arms expos in Singapore, London, and Adelaide. It is one of the chief beneficiaries of the “battle-tested” brand that Israel now trades on.

Australia’s defence partnerships, however, are not compelled by necessity. They are choices. And in the face of overwhelming evidence -from UN bodies, human rights organisations, and the companies themselves - continuing to procure weapons from firms implicated in war crimes amounts to a choice to look away.

This is not simply about contracts or capabilities. It is about accountability. It is about whether democratic governments like Australia’s can justify spending public funds on weapons developed and tested in what UN experts now describe as the graveyard of international law.